The article deals with the first diplomatic contacts of Rome in the Hellenistic world in 3rd century BC (before the beginning of the Second Macedonian War). The author attempts to discover if Roman Senate had common approach to its eastern policy in this period. In general the author agrees with those scholars who assert that Romans on their eastern diplomacy used the instrument (widespread in the interstate relations of the Hellenistic world) of “informal friendship” (amicitia – φιλία). However, tracing the development of the Roman relations with its “friends” in the Eastern Mediterranean, the author comes to the conclusion that from the beginning of the Illyrian Wars Roman attitude towards those states which established the amicable relations with Rome started to change. Romans more and more perceived these states as clients and expected from them services, which were usually provided by the Roman socii in Italy. The only exception from such a practice was the military alliance with Aetolia during the First Macedonian War which was determined by the extraordinary circumstances of this conflict.
This paper explores the policy of the Spartan king Nabis towards the helots. Attention is drawn to the significant differences between the social politics of Nabis and the earlier reforms of the kings Agis IV and Сleomenes III. The author concludes that Nabis followed a completely new principle of Spartan citizenship formation. He liberated a number of helots and made them full citizens. However, Nabis was not able to overcome the helotry entirely, although he sought to abandon this type of slavery. Nabis, having accepted helots and foreigners as full members of the civil community, created a completely new type of citizens whose loyalty lay not so much with the state as with him personally. The radical social reforms of Nabis abolished the archaic principles of citizenship formation at the very moment when the Lycurgan Sparta finally disappeared. It became a monarchy of Hellenistic mould.
The article analyses Cicero’s use of vices (avaritia, crudelitas, audacia, luxuria/luxuries, invidia, superbia, licentia, libido), which form the core of Cicero’s ethical, philosophical, political and juridical conceptual apparatus. Avaritia (“lust for money”) is often combined with libido, crudelitas, audacia and luxuria. It is opposed to the Stoic ethical categories (honestas, fortitudo, diligentia, etc.) and the Roman ethical and political categories (amicitia, imperium, lex, etc.). Crudelitas goes together with the words denoting crimes, vices, tyrants/usurpers or unjust war. Cicero contrasts crudelitas with some ethical categories (virtus, honestas, misericordia, etc.) as well as political and juridical ones (auctoritas, dignitas, lex, etc.). Audacia is used in a positive (“courage”) and negative meanings (“impudence”). In the negative sense it goes together with the words designating crime or atrocity (scelus, crimen, facinus, etc.), other vices or negative emotions (improbitas, libido, impudentia, etc.), or with pecunia (in the meaning of “lust for money”). It is opposed to positive ethical, philosophical, political or juridical categories (dignitas, lex, auctorita, etc.). Luxuria as a vice designates “lust for luxury”. It is combined with other vices (avaritia, licentia, superbia, etc.) and opposed to virtues (egestas, parsimonia). In the meaning of “debauch” or “lechery” it is used with libido, voluptas and cupiditas. It is used in the same context with the semantic fields of idleness (desidia, ignavia, inertia) and crime (scelus, crimen, flagitium). For Cicero, invidia is “hatred” or “envy”, the most common and perpetual vice. It is interchangeable with invidentia. Cicero often links invidia with odium, misericordia, iracundia, obtrectatio, periculum and opposes to gloria. There are different types of invidia: to worthy people, tyrants, rich people. Superbia has a negative meaning of “superciliousness”, as well as a positive one (“pride”). As a vice, it is used in a synonymic series with arrogantia and insolentia, can be combined with crudelitas, contumacia and contumelia, or contrasted with sapientia and liberalitas. Licentia can have a positive meaning of “liberty” (every third example). In most cases, it is a vice (“promiscuity”, “self-will”). In the negative sense it is sometimes synonymous to libertas, goes together with the words denoting crime (scelus, injuria, facinus), with pecunia as a source of profit as well as other vices or negative emotions (voluntas, libido, impunitas, etc.). It is opposed to certain positive categories (judicium, libertas, lex, etc.). Cicero’s antithesis of licentia-servitus means permissiveness of an official opposed to slavery of his subordinates. There are some other antitheses: licentia–libertas, licentia–lex, licentia–gloria. Libido is mostly a political category for Cicero: it is abuse of power of bad rulers (Caesar), tyrants (Tarquin the Proud and his family), governors (Verres), senators (Catiline), judges. It is used together with scelus, crudelitas, audacia, etc., and contrasted with auctoritas, religio, lex, etc. In ethical and philosophical discourse libido means “lust”, “excessive bodily passion”, or “passionate desire” and goes together with flagitium, scelus, avaritia, etc. As a vice, libido is opposed to pudicitia, religio, temperantia, etc. In philosophical reasoning about enjoyment, Cicero uses the term in a neutral sense, referring to libido as a bodily passion opposed to spiritual pleasure.
Next 2019 will be ten years since the publication of the book “La economía de la Mauretania Tingitana (s. I–III d.C.). Aceite, vino y salazones” (Pons 2009). There we discuss the economy of the province, emphasizing the peculiarities of its food supply (imports and exports). Since then, both the scientific production of the province, with the inclusion of new data, as well as the progress in the different methods of analysis, allows us to approach the subject again, redefining some of its aspects. To carry out the following analyses, we have used the information collected in the CEIPAC online database in the framework of the EPNET project. At this point, the discovery of new data and, above all, the application of different methods of analysis can help us when dealing with complex tasks. In the present work we intend to address a series of questions about the meaning of the interprovincial food supply in Tingitana, a territory sufficiently prolific for its own supply.
The present article represents a survey of the literature concerning the cult associations from the northern shore of the Black Sea, from the early publications, to the most recent works. The endeavour attempts to draw not only on the evolution of the research, but also to bring up some of the inscriptions which have been edited. The need for such an approach lies in the rich bibliographical publications from the last decades, but also in the rich information they provide, and in the advantage of placing/ and contextualising it in the larger research.
The Roman coins discovered in various points across the commune of Tăcuta (Vaslui County, Romania) are presented: Tăcuta–“Dealul Miclea” (a possible coin hoard, of which four denarii were recovered: 1 AR Traianus, 3 AR Marcus Aurelius (1 AR Faustina)); Focșeasca–“Pietrăria”(?) (1 AR Traianus, 1 AR Hadrianus) and Cujba (?) (2 AE Constantius II, 1 AE Valens). No information was available for the rest of the coins (1 AR sub., 1 AE Gordianus III, 1 AE Constantius II, 1 AE Valens). They are part of private collections (Șt. Ciudin), public collections (The “Ștefan cel Mare” Museum of Vaslui) or their traces were lost. The monetary items are correlated with the numerous archaeological vestiges of the “Poienești” or “Sântana de Mureș-Chernyakhiv” type, known to have been found in this area. In addition, this work interprets the monetary finds of Tăcuta in the broader context of the presence of Roman coins in the “barbarian” territory east from the Carpathians, throughout the 2nd–4th centuries AD.
The late Roman fine pottery presented in this article was discovered after the archaeological research carried out in the late Roman fortress of Argamum between 1998 and 2001, in the Basilica 2 and Basilica 1 areas, by F. Topoleanu and I. Vizauer. A sample of 84 ceramic fragments was analysed, the typology being based on the geographical area of origin. The 84 shards were divided into three groups: North African pottery, wares made in Asia Minor and wares produced in the Black Sea Basin. The present article represents a first step in the knowledge of Argamum’s archaeological realities, both from the perspective of tableware and the historical evolution of the site, especially during the last two centuries of its existence.
During the years 800–200 BC, SE Aegean islands manifest a continuous growth and dynamic presence which is sensed both internally on each island as well as externally, within the framework of their intra-insular communication. To this day, archaeological sites bearing durable remains vestiges of inhabitance with and an uninterrupted usage have been identified in the Southeastern Aegean. The multitude of movable findings—a result of systematic and rescue excavations—suggests the use and function of these premises and at the same time attests commercial transactions between the islands and the wider mainland—even with geographically remote areas—which is a component of their undoubtedly developed economic and commercial relations.
Characterisation and analyses of museum objects using pXRF: An application from the Delphi Museum, Greece
Twenty-six objects from the Delphi archaeological Museum, including nearby museum premises, have been analysed by portable XRF. The aim was their characterization, provenance and archaeological interpretations. Twenty-one miniature Corinthian ceramic vases, a bronze and a ceramic pyxis bearing powder, four pigments on ceramics and six elegant glass vases, were non-destructively measured in situ. The ceramic analysis seems to form one cluster with similar chemical traits. The clay is calcareous with relatively high iron and titanium contents. Slip painted surface was due to increased MgO and Fe2O3. Four elegant glass vases were statistically compared to about 270 published data of similar period for provenance study and investigating the mineral agents for colouring glass. In fact the clustering analysis forms one of the major analytical groups containing the Delphi samples and also samples from Rhodes and Satricum. Of the major findings is the highly toxic mercury as cinnabar (HgS), a red pigment very commonly used since antiquity, mixed with PbO white lead in face powders. Particular elemental variations in all groups are discussed. Multiple statistical analysis was used, such as, various hierarchical cluster versions, PCA, bi-plots. The case study provides a practical aid to archaeological interpretation and emphasizes the valuable use of portable XRF in museum studies on material culture ranging from various types and periods.
Materiales mágicos. Conjuros, fantasmas, necromancia y otros dispositivos de economía antropológica en el pensamiento griego
The studies on ancient philosophy have a long tradition of analysis about the Greek views on anthropology. The beliefs developed in Greece from the archaic to the Hellenistic times offer a wide range of variants different from the opposition between soul and body that became traditional in the classical period, with continuities and contrasts regarding later thought. However, some important elements go often unnoticed and this compromises the quality of the reconstruction of the ancient epoch. In this work, we will study three points related to magic: the spells, the ghosts and necromancy, in order to infer from these materials the underlying anthropological structure.
This study deals with the positions and people of the subordinate administration of the province of Raetia since its creation, at the end of the 1st century BC, until the first half of the 3rd century AD. The data that we know of all of them is offered to obtain an overview of this administrative area that has often been forgotten.
This paper presents a pottery assemblage discovered at Topolog (Tulcea County) in 2010, at approximatively 500 m northwest of the village, in two refused pits severely affected by the extraction of clay by the locals. In the same area a rectangular kiln for the production of bricks and tiles was investigated. The pottery assemblage consists of transport amphorae for wine and salt fish (Shelov C and Zeest 84/85), fine ware (Pontic sigillata), drinking and cooking ware, and a number of hand-made pottery of La Tène tradition. These forms date back to the 2nd century AD and reflect the trade relations of a rural community from the periphery of the Empire with the north and south-eastern Pontic regions.
This paper presents the population of Colonia Sarmizegetusa, the first city of the province of Dacia. This is a case study within the project Romans 1 by 1 (www.romans1by1.com), a database which aims to comprise the population of Dacia, Moesia Superior, and Moesia Inferior. This study presents a micro-result of the entire project, providing information to researchers not only on the people who lived in the Dacian metropolis but also on those individuals transiting through Colonia Sarmizegetusa, who got involved in the social, religious and political life of the city by erecting monuments or being dedicated to. Until this point, by compiling all existing sources, the database has recorded 495 inscriptions (the inscription records are numbered starting with 00001DS) and 706 people (each with a personal record, with a unique ID) from Colonia Sarmizegetusa. The paper’s conclusions present four results in the form of statistics, consisting of: (1) the analysis of the 495 epigraphic monuments; (2) identifying and implicitly analysing all the individuals attested on the inscriptions discovered at Colonia Sarmizegetusa; (3) population mobility, and (4) various types of relationships mentioned by epigraphic sources.
In Italy, the “Archaeology of Emergency” influences the work of physical anthropologists. In fact, most archaeological excavations are not completely investigated because of the lack of funds destined to cultural heritage and the archaeological competences intervene especially when building works bump accidentally into archaeological findings. Emergency excavations cannot pull any whole osteoarchaeological sample, thus the anthropological study is never exhaustive. In addition to this, in Italy there are still problems related to a lack of job perspective because there is not an adequate professional recognition of the bioarchaeologist. Perhaps the issues should be discussed at the root, namely that there is no clear university education that prepares for this type of profession. Today, only a postgraduate education (PhD or Master) can determine the acquisition of specific skills in the several specialties of Bioarcheology. In an era of cultural crisis, as ours is nowadays, it is a struggle to think of a right recognition of any professionalism employed in the field of cultural heritage, but we must insist for this to happen.
This paper explores the references on the term salinae from Justinian’ Digest. Our approach is a semantic analysis of this term in various juridic contexts, such as: allowing permission by the state to constitute corporations for saltworks; the interdiction to alienate a saltpan from a pupillus; collecting the tax on salt-works; establishing the usufruct of inherited saltpans; the recognition of saltworks owners as publicani; the imposition of serving in saltworks as a punishment for a crime; exploring gender issues (the appliance of the same type of penalty to men and women convicted to saltworks labour); the obligation to acknowledge for the census the saltpans; the recognition of the tax on saltworks as a “public” one.
The detailed investigation of dwelling no. 14 (Precucuteni II phase) from the Isaiia site brings interesting and, in some instances, novel data concerning the building system and the internal architecture of the Early Chalcolithic housing. Also, the artefacts from inside the dwelling and from the surrounding features bear witness about prehistoric crafts like pottery manufacture, stone knapping and polishing, animal hard tissue working, about the relations with neighbouring cultural areas, and, last but not least, about the ritual behaviour of the Precucuteni communities.
From antiquities to memorabilia: a standardised terminology for ancestral artefacts according to manufacture date
An ancestral artefact can be defined as any object of natural raw material made by a people following a lifestyle based on foraging and/or basic agriculture or pastoralism. A problem when cataloguing or reporting a research focused on an ancestral artefact is the absence of a fixed chronological terminology encompassing any age. The issue of terminology of age of objects is especially relevant when a researcher wants to study museum collections. Consequently, putting into practice a standardised terminology for ancestral artefacts according to manufacture date is required to avoid misinterpretations, which can even jeopardise legal actions. In this paper, a standardised terminology is presented for such kinds of original artefacts, from prehistory to the present. Subsidiarily, ancestral peoples have been arranged in concordance with the terminology for ancestral artefacts. While this terminology is centred on ancestral artefacts and is primarily addressed to people engaged in museum specimens―from curators to researchers―it is applicable to other collectable objects and, accordingly, also relevant to tribal-art dealers, antiquarians, and cultural heritage legislators.